Faces of Baweanese

Guests from Bawean Island

In 1960s and 1970s, several relatives of my parents from the Bawean Island came to visit Singapore. They were mostly fishermen, farmers, carpenters and craftsmen. They used to bring jars of 'Kemed', dried salted fish, peanuts, rice, crackers, wooden stools and straw mats as gifts. Some of these items were for sale too and were bought by the Pondok residents.

Mamang Bideng (Mum's paternal cousin), Tok Matnong (Mum's maternal uncle) and wife

The guests from Bawean Island were welcomed with opened arms by my family. My parents spend generously and tried to make their stay a memorable one. They left Singapore with lots of gifts and souvenirs such as clothing, household items, and children's toys. They were given some money too. My parents made great efforts to have close ties with the relatives in Bawean Island.

Traditional Food

Straw Mat

While generally, the women from Bawean Island that I met were very skillful in making straw mats or any other products made from straw, the men were good at hand works. Like my mothers' cousins and uncles whom I met in the early 1970s, they were extremely good with carpentry work. I saw them helping my granddad who loves doing carpentry during his spare time, making wooden stools and tables. I also remember that some of the men from Bawean Island brought several of their craft works to sell them to the Baweanese living in Singapore. Among the popular item was the wooden cutting board used in the kitchen. It was always in demand.

My grandfather's capentry work - a wooden stool which I still keep and treasured

Wooden cutting-board used in the kitchen

Generally, the visitors from the Bawean Island like to bring souvenirs for their close relatives in Singapore. My father's cousins who visited my family in the late 1970s brought a small packet of rice and peanuts which they have grown themselves. These items were cultivated in a plot of land in Bawean Island which my father used to own. He inherited the land from his father and told his cousins to manage it. They turned the land into padi fields and a small area for growing peanuts for their own consumptions. So when they visited my family they brought with them the products of the land as a gesture of gratitude. They said that my dad and his family should taste the rice cultivated from his land in Bawean Island. Later on, a few years before my father passed away, he gave the land to them. Personally, I think it was a wise decision. I believe today, they are still living on that land and I hope to meet them some day in the future. Insha'Allah.

Reading Talkin on the grave of a dead person

(During my father's funeral)

About 26 years ago Obek Arshad was the one who read the Talkin at the funeral of my maternal grandfather and my dad. Similarly, he had done the same during the funeral of my maternal grandmother as well as his two brothers whom I used to call Obek Adnan and Obek Ali. Everytime Obek Arshad read the Talkin, a sense of remorse could be felt for all the unpleasant actions and wrongdoings that had been done in the past. With his stern, firm voice, he was able to send the message across into the minds of those who were present at the funeral listening to his Talkin speech. However, on Tuesday, 10th June 2008, 6 Jamadilakhir, he was the reason the Talkin was read at his funeral.

Generally, since the days of their forefathers, the Baweanese in Singapore have been practicing the reading of Talkin on the grave of a dead person after the burial is done. However, today there are some among them who considered the act to be bidaah and abandoned the practice. Some Muslims considered reading the Talkin is not only bidaah but, it is a form of deviation from the correct teaching of Islaam because it was never done by Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) nor by the four Caliph.

Ibnul Qayyim wrote in his book entitled 'Ar-Ruh' that there are some Ulama who think that Talkin is bad and without basis as the dead is not able to hear. Debating on this issue, he quoted a Hadith recorded by Abu Daud on an incident in which Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) attended a funeral. When the dead body was buried the Prophet (s.a.w.) had advised the dead person's relatives to supplicate for the dead to be strong in facing the reality of death because at that moment he (the dead person) was being questioned in his grave. Ibnul Qayyim argued that if the dead person could hear those questions in his grave, surely he could also hear the Talkin from his grave too.

Ibnul Qayyim also wrote that it was in the opinion of Imam Ahmad that reading Talkin to the dead on the grave after burial is a good thing to do. He also mentioned that Muslims in the past and present practiced it for the dead to hear and benefited from it.

What is Talkin actually about, that there are many controversial issues on it?

Talkin is merely a speech made on the grave of a dead person after the burial. The purpose is to tell the dead that he is in the world of Barzakh facing the reality of death and will be questioned in the grave by the two angels, Mungkar and Nakir. To the living, the Talkin is a reminder that the world of Barzakh is real. It is a speech of advice, highlighting that this worldly life is not permanent and the need to be prepared for death is necessary. Every human being will face death eventually and the Talkin provides a reflection to the followers of Islaam the importance to be good Muslims –one who is God-fearing and continuously seeking for Allah's (s.w.t.) guidance to lead him to the straight path of Siratal Mustaqeem, the safe path to be taken on the journey to the world of Hereafter.

Talkin has been practiced generation after generation that it had become a tradition. Due to this, some Muslims think that it is compulsory to read the Talkin. It should be known that in accordance to the Islamic rites in handling dead bodies, to read the Talkin is not an act of wajib. According to Islaam, there are four compulsory things that need to be done when a person passed away. First, the dead body has to be cleaned and bathed. Second, it has to be wrapped in shroud. Third, Sholat has to be performed on it. Finally it has to be buried in the earth.

Personally I think that the Talkin is beneficial to all because it reminds us about the reality of death, the questions that will be asked in the grave and the fate of the souls while waiting for Resurrection Day. There is nothing wrong in giving advice, in fact it is a good act encouraged by Islaam. Regardless of whether the Talkin is read or not is unimportant because the Talkin is not a requirement in Islaam. What matters most is that, reading of the Talkin should not affect the observance of the Aqidah of an individual Muslim. It is important to know that the Talkin is not compulsory as it is not wajib in Islaam. Hence according to Islaam, there is nothing sinful for not practicing the reading of Talkin.

In Memory of Ustaz Hj. Arshad Bin Nor

Ustaz Hj. Arshad was the son of my maternal grandfather's cousin. He was born and raised in Bawean Island. In the 50s, he migrated to Singapore during the British Colonization. My maternal grandfather was his closest Uncle, the only next-of-kin living in Singapore. My grandparents took care of him before he got married and had a family of his own.

Obek Arshad, as I used to call him, was a learned person in the field of Islamic Studies. He used to work in the Prison as a religious teacher to the in-mates. He also used to bring pilgrims to Makkah for Ummrah and Hajj.

During his employment period with the Queenstown Prison, Obek Arshad lived at the Queenstown Prison's workers living quarters. I used to follow my parents whenever they visited him at his home. Every time my parents told me that we were getting ready to go to Obek Arshad's home, my heart always jolted with joy, feeling excited full of eager to meet him and his family. I was always looking forward to play with his children while the adults were having conversations.

Obek Arshad was a very cheerful person, full of smiling expressions on his face. I remembered him as a warm, kind hearted person. He was always happy to welcome members from his uncle's family to his home and made the stay an enjoyable one. I enjoyed very much listening to his interesting ghost stories that he told to keep the little ones entertained. His advise not to fear the dark nor the lurking-places of Unseen Beings remain etched in my mind till this day. Instead, he would say to always fear Almighty Allah.

I always remember Obek Arshad as an Ustaz with a gifted voice that was stern and firm, especially good at reciting quotation of verses in the Qur'aan. His passion to continuously seeking Islamic knowledge could be seen from the library of Islamic books he had read, displayed on his book shelves. His career as a religious teacher had inspired me to pursue my studies in Islamic Knowledge at tertiary level. Obek Arshad will always exist in my memory as the Uncle whom I think highly off and regard him with the utmost respect.

Ustaz Hj. Arshad passed away a few days ago, on Monday, 9th June 2008 at about 4.00 p.m. and was buried the next day. He left behind a widow, two sons, three daughters and several grand-children. Truly, I am remorseful for not able to bid him farewell on his death-bed, and I send my deepest condolences to his widow and children. Indeed his family has lost a good husband and father. I have lost an Uncle and Singaporean Baweanese have lost one of its pioneer educators who had contributed in shaping good Muslim individuals. For all the many good things that he had done, may Allah’s blessings be upon him. May his soul be placed among those favored by Allah (s.w.t.). May Allah (s.w.t.) grant peace to Obek Arshad's soul in the world of Barzakh. Aameen.

Indeed we are here on this earth temporarily. When it is time to leave this world, the soul has to leave the dead body that has to be buried six feet underneath the ground. Thus, from clay the human body was made off and to clay shall it be returned…..

Living in Pondok Kelompang Gubuk

(At the back lane - My two younger sister, my brother and I. Photo taken in the 1970s)

My two younger sisters and I were born at the Pondok ("Ponthuk" is the proper Baweanese pronunciation of the word) in the 1960s, each about two years apart. My mum told me that the midwife from KK Hospital came down to our home to help with the delivery.

Vividly, I did remember the time I was a little girl playing with my sisters and friends around my age. They were from several Pondok nearby. Two shophouses away from my home was Pondok Tachung and across the road on the left side were several Pondok Pangga.

(My siblings and cousins at the entrance of our home in the early 1970s.)

My sisters and I had gone through the changes, as time moved on. We had experienced living in a Pondok and witnessed the lives and the changing life-styles of the Baweanese of the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, as they progressed through the years.

(My sister, brother and cousin Anam. Photo taken in the 1970s. The back lane was our playing ground whenever our footballers mamang were not available to bring us to the Kampong Kapor Community Centre, just across the road.)

Generally, the residents living in a Pondok had to follow rules and regulations of the particular Pondok they were living in. These rules and regulations vary among each Pondok. In Pondok Kelompang Gubuk, some of the general rules were; lights to be switched off at certain time; one was not allowed to spend too long in the shower; and the bachelors, including the male guests who were mainly the sea-men, were not allowed to go to the second level of the shophouse. These guests spent the night in the Pondok before leaving Singapore for other destinations.

(The Bachelors of Kampong Kapor in the late 1950s/early 1960s)

A huge, high table covering one-third of the living room became bed to these men during the night. The "ambin" as it was called, being placed against the three walls of the room on the right (as one sees it standing facing the living-room from the entrance door). Each of the men slept on thin mattress that could be folded and kept on the shelf mounted to the wall just above the right window. During the day, it became an area for relaxing as they sat, chatting among each others.

(The site where the "ambin" used to be. Above this window there used to be the shelf for keeping the folded mattresses. Photo was taken in the 1980s.)

Below the "ambin" was a store-like place where plates, glasses and cutlery used for functions were kept in wooden boxes. All these were bought using the funds collected from the residents of the pondok and also members who once lived at Pondok Kelompang Gubuk. When the "ambin" was dismantled and thrown away during the 1970s, the wooden boxes including the contents were shipped to Bawean Island to the people living in the village Kelompang Gubuk.

(The site where the long dining table used to be. This photo was taken in the 1980s. They were preparing a birthday party for little Anam.)

Opposite the "ambin" was a long dining table used by the men to have their meals. It was also used to receive male guests. Tea or Coffee with pastries were prepared by the Mak Lurah and served by the Pak Lurah. It was at this table that the General Meetings were conducted in which members of the Pondok gathered for discussions. Generally, every Pondok in Kampong Kapor had their individual committee headed by the Pak Lurah. A treasurer was appointed to collect membership funds from members of the Pondok. He also collected the rent and utility money from the residence of the Pondok. This system was very prominent during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s.

The middle room at the ground floor and the front room on the second level was for married residents. There were many families in these two huge rooms. The wardrobes were placed in such away that they acted as dividers between the spaces of each family, while the entrance to each of these spaces were covered by curtains.

The middle room on the second level was a room for the ladies. My granddad, Pak Lurah Haji Siddik who was the Head of Pondok Kelompang Gubuk between the 1960s to early 1980s, occupied the rear small room on the second level. At this level, there was a toilet mainly used by the women.

The above features were very prominent during the 1960s. Through the years, these space areas occupied by those with family got bigger due to many residents moving out of the Pondok to live in HDB flats. By the 1990s, the only family left to live at Pondok Kelompang Gubuk was the family of Aunt Suhaidah.

(My grandmother doing her cooking. This area was a small part of the kitchen. Photo taken in 1980s.)

The women of Pondok Kelompang Gubuk shared a communal kitchen. Each family was given space to do their cooking. It was a huge kitchen. There was a big "ambin" used for work space in preparing food. The "ambin" was also used by the women and children to have their meals. Some married couples also had their meals there too.

(My youngest sister playing model posing for the camera at the backlane of our Pondok home. Photo taken in the early 1970s).

At the rear part of the Pondok, there was a back door. This door opened to the back lane. This rear area of the Pondok was the place for washing clothes. The women washed their family clothes just infront of the toilet. They took turns one after another. The washing was done only after the men got showered and gone to work.

(The rear part of the Pondok, just infront of the toilet. Photo taken in the 1980s)

In the late 1960s, another small room was built on second level at the rear part of the Pondok. This room was my family's room. It was built by my granddad who was good in carpentry work. Carpentry was his hobby during his off days, working as a PUB driver. This room was well built and often used during weddings for the bride to be dressed up for the wedding ceremony.

(My family's room. The Photo were taken in the 1970s during a wedding occassion.)

I enjoyed living in the Pondok. It left me with beautiful memories of my childhood life. My family and I left Pondok Kelompang Gubuk in 1974 to live in the HDB flats. Eventually, many follows my father's footsteps -purchasing HDB flats.

(The Bachelors of Kampong Kapor. My father on the left most, with his friends acting out as musicians. Photo taken in the late 1950s.)

History of the Singaporean Baweanese

I read about the history of Singaporean Baweanese in the book entitled "Singapore The Encyclopedia". I bought this book from Borders about few months ago. It is an interesting book full of information about Singapore. Personally, I think every Singaporean should own this book.

The book wrote an accurate account about the the lives of the early Baweanese settlers in Singapore. It clarifies that the Baweanese were immigrants who set their foot in this Sunny Island. The book shows a photograph of a group of early Baweanese living in Singapore in 1910. They look very much like any other native Indonesian people. Obviously they are not Malays.

Majority of the Chinese, Indians, Eurasions as well as some Malays always assume that the Baweanese are Malays because they speak in Malay and learn the Malay language in the National School as their mother tongue. As I had explained in my previous post, the Malay language has been widely spoken by the Baweanese since the colonial days because it is the language of the Malays, the indigenous people of Singapore, who embraced the same religion as the Bawean people.

After Singapore's independence, there is a valid reason for the Baweanese to speak in Malay -it is the National Language of Singapore. Today, the Malay language is spoken widely by the Singaporean Baweanese with several Baweanese words in it.

According to the book, the Singaporean Baweanese are the descendent of migrants from the Indonesian island of Bawean and their ancestors constitute the third-largest immigrant population of Singapore's Malay community. The book continues to describe the early Baweanese who came to Singapore. It wrote that the first Baweanese are thought to have come to Singapore in 1824 on a BUGIS ship. Below is an excerpt of the written facts in the Book about the Baweanese.

"...According to an 1849 census,there were 763 Boyanese, mostly men, in Singapore. The numbers increased gradually due to continuous immigration prior to World War II; however entry was more strictly controlled in the post-war period, especially after the implementation of the Citizenships Ordinance in 1957.

The present Boyanese population is mostly made up of the descendants of these earlier immigrants. According to the 2000 population census, there are 51,849 Boyanese in Singapore. A notable aspect of Boyanese culture is the tradition of merantau, the migration of men from the island in search of work. Historically, the Boyansese migrated to Singapore from Bawean Island in Indonesia in search of urban, waged work.

From the onset, the Boyanese settled in Kampung Boyan, at the bank of the Rochor River between Jalan Besar and Syed Alwi Road. They organized themselves into Pondok or Ponthuk (communal lodging house) communities where they formed a social structure that ensured that their welfare was taken care of until they were economically secure to set up their own home. These houses usually catered for groups of migrants who came from the same district of village.

Houses were also located in other parts of the city, including Pondok Adam at Ann Siang Hill, Pondok Teluk Dulam at Dixon Road and Pondok Dedawang at Sophia Road. The Boyanese were also among the early residents of Serangoon Road. Some of them established themselved in an area call Kampung Kapor, which was west of Kampung Boyan..."

Buy the book "Singapore The Encyclopedia" to read more. And yes, Kampong Kapor is the area at Jalan Besar in the vicinity of Little India -the area where I was born and spend my childhood life. This will be the theme in my next post.

Infusion of the Malay culture into the Baweanese lives

(The family of my paternal Aunt Jamaliah. A Studio Photo taken in the late 1950s. Notice my older cousin was wearing the Malay traditional baju kurong.)

My father's photo album had helped me to recall my childhood life living in Pondok Kelompang Gubuk. It was during the period in which the Baweanese language was widely used among the Singaporean Baweanese. My grandparents spoke to me in this language with mixture of Malay. Back then, most Baweanese spoke in Malay with the Baweanese accent.

When the Baweanese from the Bawean Island came to live in Singapore, they were unable to speak the Malay language. Since this language was widely spoken by the indigenous people of Singapore, i.e. the Malays, it was necessary for these Baweanese to learn the language. It became even more prominent after the independence of Singapore as it became the National Language of the country.

Other than the above factors, the Baweanese living in Singapore speak the Malay language due to the fact that they shared the same religion as the Singaporean Malays. They mingled with the Malays and gradually like the other Indonesian ethnic groups living in Singapore such as the Javanese and Bugis, they were recognised by the Malays as part of their Community.

(During Eid-ul-Fitr,my cousins wearing Baju Kurong, the traditional costume of the Malays. Photo taken in the late 90s.)

Gradually, the Baweanese living in Singapore began to dress like the Malays. They wore Baju Kurong, the Malay traditional costume. Soon the younger generations Baweanese ladies replaced the Kebaya and Sarong Batik with the two pieces Malay Baju Kurong. On the other hand, the men started to put on the Songket Kain Samping.

(My cousin -daughter of my mother's cousin, with her son and daughter. She was wearing a Kebarong while her daughter was wearing Kebaya -late 1990s)

However, today there are some Baweanese who continue to put on the Kebaya but with some 'adjustments' and 'innovations'. Such Kebaya are called Kebarong. It is actually the infusion of the Baju Kurong into the Kebaya with the elimination of the Sarong Batik. However, there are those who continue to put on the Kebaya without any changes.

(The Baweanese lady in the photo continues to put on Kebaya while her aunt sitting next to her wore Baju Kurong -2003)

Through the years, the Singaporean Baweanese and the other Singaporean Muslims of Indonesian ethnic descent were very much infused and blended into the Malay Community that other races such as the Chinese, Indians and Eurasians acknowledged them as Malays. It became even more confusing when inter-marriage between these ethnic groups occurred. Today, there are many marriages between the Baweanese and Malays or Baweanese and Javanese or Baweanese and other races that make the younger generations of Singaporean Baweanese confused about their race.

(Nowadays, it is difficult to identify the Baweanese living among the Malays. Look at the above photo taken few years back. Do you think that this is a Baweanese family?)

Fortunately, the Singapore Government always reminds young Singaporeans not to forget their roots and heritage. This is also reflected in the Singapore Identity Card (NRIC) that shows the race of an individual Singaporean. Hence, one who is of a Baweanese descent, his/her race will be shown as Boyanese ('Boyanese' is the spelling in Singapore for 'Baweanese') in his/her NRIC. Clearly the Baweanese are not Malays.